By Ali Salaj
Montenegro’s legal framework clearly defines the right of minorities to access information in their native languages. It also establishes the state’s obligation to ensure public communication in these languages. Despite this, the reality paints a different picture—there is still no 24-hour programming in the Albanian language within Montenegro’s public television service.
During electoral campaigns, Albanian political parties have fervently promised the establishment of a dedicated Albanian-language TV channel. Yet, once the electoral dust settles, those promises are forgotten, even when clear violations of the Albanian minority's right to information are apparent.
Over time, the presence of the Albanian language in Montenegro’s public broadcaster has been steadily diminished. Albanian-language programs have been reduced, contract employees and contributors removed, and correspondents dismissed. Moreover, there has not been a single Albanian in a leadership position within the broadcaster’s Albanian-language programming for years. Instead, management roles continue to be filled by individuals from the majority community who do not speak Albanian. Albanian representation is also absent from the Board of Directors and other advisory councils of the broadcaster.
The actions of the public television management in recent years reflect a troubling uncertainty—or worse, a secondary policy—regarding Albanian-language programming. This neglect affects a minority whose language is entirely distinct from Slavic languages. The issue has persisted through Montenegro’s significant political upheavals and government changes, including within public media institutions.
Certain Albanian political actors and NGOs, especially from Ulcinj, even supported Boris Raonić’s appointment as head of Montenegro’s public broadcasting service. Raonić, a longtime civil society activist, was expected to usher in progressive change. However, not only did he fail to improve Albanian-language programming or support the creation of a separate channel, he actively sought to annex Radio Ulcinj—the only public Albanian-language media outlet—by turning it into a satellite studio of RTCG (Montenegrin Public Broadcasting Service).
Today, Montenegro’s public broadcaster resembles a flawed production, marred by the broader dysfunction of the state’s political and legal systems. It often contributes to pro-Serbian nationalism and fosters interethnic tensions. In this context, the participation of Albanian political parties in the Montenegrin government becomes difficult to comprehend. Instead of defending the Albanian minority, their involvement seems to offer an illusory image of inclusion to international observers, while failing to address minority concerns.
It is unacceptable that, to this day, no separate Albanian-language channel exists. Instead, fragmented Albanian content is squeezed into the existing programming schedule, significantly diminishing viewership and the impact of these programs.
A dedicated 24-hour Albanian-language channel must be urgently created. This should include the hiring of new staff, the formation of a professional editorial team, the development of modern studios, and a programming schedule free from ethnic stereotypes and Slavic editorial influences. Such a channel would align with international standards and the broader goal of equality and integration of Albanians into public and institutional life in Montenegro.
This situation demands immediate action from relevant institutions and from Albanian political representatives in Montenegro. Maintaining the status quo poses a serious risk to the Albanian community’s cultural and national identity. A community without its own media is inevitably destined to lose its linguistic, cultural, and national identity.