The recent testimony of General Wesley Clark, former Supreme Allied Commander Europe and the key NATO leader during the 1999 Kosovo War, has resonated deeply across Albanian communities. Called by the legal defense of Hashim Thaçi at the Kosovo Specialist Chambers in The Hague, Clark offered some of the most authoritative, credible, and historically significant statements ever delivered in an international courtroom regarding the war, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA/UÇK), and Serbia’s actions in 1998–1999.
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| Wesley Clark, while speaking in Hague |
In many ways, Clark’s words represent one of the strongest international validations of Kosovo’s freedom struggle and the legitimacy of the KLA.
Clark: The Violence After the War Was a “Deeply Personal” Conflict—Not Led by the KLA
During his multi-day testimony, Clark repeated what he has consistently stated since 1999: the violence that occurred in the summer and autumn of that year was not organized or directed by KLA commanders. Instead, he described it as the result of “personal and local conflict between neighbors,” emerging from years of oppression and trauma under the Serbian regime.
When asked about his 1999 interview with Shekulli where he said he had no evidence that the KLA committed ethnic cleansing against Serbs, Clark firmly reaffirmed his statement:
“I have no evidence and no proof that the KLA was behind such actions. In fact, I have information pointing to the opposite.”
This is significant, because Serbian propaganda and various political groups have historically inflated the figure of 170,000 departing Serbs after the war, trying to attribute the departures to KLA-led operations. Clark rejected any such conclusion.
Clark: Serbia Was Always the Main Threat, and NATO Prepared to Protect Kosovo
Clark also emphasized that during the war he was fully prepared for any counter-attack the Serbian regime might attempt against the people of Kosovo.
“We would do whatever we could to accomplish our mission. My responsibility was to ensure Serbian forces could not return to Kosovo. I had to plan for every possibility.”
He clarified that although he did not believe Serbia would be able to re-enter Kosovo militarily, it was his duty as a strategic commander to assess all risks until a permanent political resolution was achieved.
As he noted, there was no final settlement until Kosovo declared independence in 2008.
Clark Rejects Organ-Trafficking Allegations: “Pure Disinformation”
One of the strongest moments of his testimony came when discussing the infamous and widely debunked allegations of organ trafficking, which were used for years to attack the KLA and Kosovo’s leadership.
Clark said that when he gave a public statement in 2020, he thought Thaçi was being accused of those old allegations from the 2007–2008 period.
He declared clearly:
“The accusations of organ trafficking were simply disinformation. I never considered them credible.”
This statement directly dismantles one of the most damaging myths ever fabricated about Kosovo’s liberation movement.
Did the KLA Have a Central Commander? Clark Says No — And Thaçi Was Not One
The prosecution attempted to argue that Hashim Thaçi controlled KLA operations. However, Clark rejected this entirely.
He explained that UÇK units were typically local, unstructured, and formed spontaneously in response to Serbian repression, not as a traditional professional army. According to Clark:
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UÇK did not have a strict hierarchical military chain of command
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NATO and U.S. intelligence never identified Thaçi as a military commander
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Thaçi was not the person giving military orders
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At most, he acted as a political representative or spokesperson
Clark stated:
“Thaçi was articulate, ambitious, presentable — but he did not exercise military control. The KLA did not have the kind of structure a normal army has.”
His testimony effectively confirms what Albanians have long known: the KLA was a resistance movement fighting for survival, not a top-down organized army with a supreme commander.
A Testimony that Strengthens Kosovo’s Historical Truth
For Albanians worldwide, Clark’s appearance in The Hague is more than a legal moment — it is a historical correction. It reaffirms:
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NATO’s trust in the KLA during the war
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The legitimacy of Kosovo’s struggle for freedom
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The lack of evidence for claims made by Serbian propaganda
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The unfairness of political accusations built on speculation
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The honor of KLA fighters and commanders who fought against state-sponsored genocide
As Clark himself said, the KLA did not have the structure or strategic capability to commit organized crimes — but Serbia certainly did.
His testimony helps place history back into balance.