Albania finds itself in a pernicious cycle of corruption that goes beyond mere misdeeds – it is institutionalised. The country’s two major parties, the Socialist Party of Albania (PS) and the Democratic Party of Albania (PD), appear to be rivals on the surface, but in practice they act as two wings of the same status-quo machine, protecting their privileges, preserving power, and fuelling graft at the expense of the public good.
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| Erion Veliaj escorted by police at the entrance of the Constitutional Court in Tirana |
The Duopoly: PS and PD Keeping the Game Rigged
Despite their rhetorical differences, both PS and PD have proven deeply complicit in maintaining an elite political-economic system that resists real change. Analysts refer to this as a political duopoly, where the big parties collude—directly or indirectly—to ensure their dominance and prevent meaningful alternatives. One report states that “the big parties are united … and they are determined not to change anything for the better in Albania. They want to make sure change never comes.”
The mechanisms are familiar: control of state institutions, clientelism, opaque public procurement, and manipulation of electoral rules. For example, electoral reform in 2024-25 was criticised for favouring PS and PD by limiting the space for new parties to challenge their hold.
Transparency-monitoring organisations paint a sobering picture. In the 2024 edition of the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, Albania scored 42/100 (where 0 is “highly corrupt” and 100 “very clean”) and ranked 80th globally among 180 countries. Institutional safeguards are weak: “Corruption is pervasive … political parties remain reluctant to address corruption in their own ranks.”
How the System Works: Not Just One Party, But the System
It is not enough to blame one party or shameless individual corrupt actors. The crucial point is how the system allows, promotes and protects corruption. The fact that PS and PD alternate roles (ruling/opposition) yet neither substantially challenges the system implies that the whole structure is rigged.
For example:
• The PD has filed complaints against the PS for obstructing oversight and constitutional rulings.
• The PS continues to win consecutive elections by using its resource advantage, state-institution control, and weak opposition.
• Smaller parties complain that changes to electoral rules are designed to block them, reinforcing the duopoly of PS and PD.
• This means that whether you vote for PS or PD, you are essentially choosing between two sides of the same coin—a coin whose other face is elite capture and corruption.
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| Erion Veliaj speaking in the Constitutional Court |
The recent case of Erion Veliaj is one of many that illustrates how the system treats officials. Former mayor of Tirana and prominent member of PS, Veliaj has himself made accusations about unequal treatment and legal inconsistencies. In a recent hearing he asked: “Are all citizens equal? Why is the citizen of Tirana different from the citizen of Tropoja?” His point: different measures of justice depending on geography and status.
Veliaj declared:
“The chaos we believe we have now is nothing in comparison with the chaos if this were to become the standard throughout Albania with all mayors.”
Whether one views him as victim or complicit actor, his statement underscores the dysfunction: the law is uneven, accountability partial, and the system geared to protect insiders. Meanwhile, reports suggest that senior officials and ministers linked to PS and its procurement deals have faced investigations—yet the core system remains intact.
Why It Matters: Costs to the Citizen, Future of Democracy
This corruption-driven status quo matters for many reasons:
• Public trust is eroded: When citizens see that the elite plays by different rules, their faith in institutions collapses.
• Democracy is hollowed out: If the big parties rig the rules, choke off competition, and dominate everything, elections become less meaningful.
• Economic cost is huge: Corruption means waste, mis-allocation of resources, inflated contracts, and less money for schools, healthcare, infrastructure.
• Brain drain and disengagement: Young people lose hope that change is possible, and may simply leave or disengage from politics.
• EU accession risks: Albania aims to join the European Union, but corruption and weak institutions are major obstacles.
What Should Be Done
While the problem is systemic, some measures could help shift the balance:
• Strengthen truly independent institutions: Prosecutors, courts and auditors must act without political interference.
• Transparent public procurement: Clear rules, open bidding, citizen-monitoring to reduce chances of graft.
• Electoral reform that favours new parties: Break the duopoly so that more voices can contest and hold the system to account.
• Political finance reform: Limit the power of money in politics and reduce patronage networks.
• Civic education and activism: Citizens must demand accountability and have real channels to do so
In Albania, corruption isn’t margins here or there—it is baked into the system via the dual dominance of PS and PD. Officials like Erion Veliaj remind us that even high-profile figures are either trapped in or complicit with this system. If genuine reform is to happen, one must go beyond replacing personalities and tackle the institutional machinery that protects the status quo.