By Abedin Kaja
“Albania does not need to divide its religious harmony into territories, borders, and passports.”
Can Albania Have a State Within a State?
The idea of creating a sovereign Bektashi state within the territory of Albania can no longer be treated simply as an exotic statement or a political curiosity. If the project were to include elements of a sovereign entity, a special statute, a passport, diplomatic representation, or even a currency, then we are facing an issue that directly impacts the nature of the Albanian state.
And here, the simplest yet most important question must be asked:
What does Albania gain from this?
The Constitution defines Albania as a unitary and indivisible state. Therefore, the issue is not whether the proposed territory is 11 hectares or 11 thousand. The problem is not measured in hectares; it is measured in sovereignty.
 |
And political precedents, as is well known, are not measured only by what happens today, but by what might be demanded tomorrow.
RELIGIOUS FAITH YES, RELIGIOUS STATE NO
Albania possesses an asset that many countries around the world would envy: religious coexistence.
The Bektashis are an integral part of Albanian history. They have made valuable contributions to Albanian culture, identity, and the national cause. Therefore, respect for the Bektashis does not require a new border, a new passport, or a new state.
Bektashism did not enter Albanian history to divide a portion of Albanians from Albania; it was part of the effort to build Albania.
Precisely for this reason, the idea of transforming a religious community into a state entity raises a major paradox: does this not risk politicizing and institutionalizing what until yesterday was one of the most beautiful symbols of Albanian tolerance?
Albania does not need to divide its religious harmony into territories, borders, and passports.
POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY
For this project, political responsibility falls primarily on Prime Minister Edi Rama, because he was the one who publicly introduced it into political discourse.
And right here, another question arises:
Why now?
In an Albania facing corruption, weakened institutions, judicial problems, and continuous political tensions, was a "Bektashi state" truly the most urgent need to place at the center of attention?
This does not mean that every new idea should be rejected.
However, ideas that touch upon sovereignty, territory, and the constitutional structure of the state cannot be treated as a political marketing project.
They require national debate, transparency, constitutional expertise, and above all, a clear answer regarding the interest of Albania.
Baba Mondi, as an important figure of the Bektashi community, also bears a special moral responsibility. Bektashism has earned respect not because it sought to be above Albania, but because it became part of Albania.
Therefore, any project that sets religious identity against state identity must be handled with great caution.
ALBANIA DOES NOT NEED ANOTHER STATE
Albania needs a state that works. For a justice system that delivers justice. For institutions that do not depend on whichever power is in office. For laws that apply equally to everyone. For an economy that does not force young people to leave. For a state that protects the citizen, not privilege.
We do not need new states within Albania. We need to make the state we have stronger.
The Bektashis do not need a separate state to prove their identity and value. They are part of Albanian history and the Albanian nation.
And perhaps the question that should unite everyone, regardless of political or religious beliefs, is this:
Does creating a sovereign entity within its territory serve Albania, or are we setting a precedent today that tomorrow might cost us far more than 11 hectares?
Because in the end, Albania is not a mosaic of territories where anyone can demand a slice of sovereignty. Albania is a state. And its sovereignty must be one and indivisible.