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Courts in Montenegro continue to issue expedited and harsh sentences against Albanians for using national symbols. Whether during holidays, concerts, or various public manifestations, Albanians are penalized for these actions. A recent case involves two young individuals in Plav (Drilon Dedushaj and Vatra Balidemaj), who were fined for waving the "Autochthonous" flag.
Interestingly, the court fined them on the very same evening—before daybreak—during a concert in Guci, accusing them of incitement and provocation. Similarly, last year a 22-year-old from Kosovo was sentenced to ten days in prison and a one-year entry ban into Montenegro after writing a graffiti with the inscription "UCK" (KLA) in Herceg Novi.
National Symbols Framed as "Provocation" While Neighboring Nationalism is Treated as "Normality"
Montenegro has witnessed several cases where athletes from Kosovo were disqualified from competitions simply for making the eagle hand gesture, which local organizers deemed a provocative act:
- High diver Shkëlzen Goqi from Gjakova was disqualified from the traditional diving competition in the Moraça River in Podgorica.
- Young table tennis player Rejan Krasniqi from Ferizaj was disqualified from the international tournament "Podgorica Open" for celebrating his final victory in the same manner.
This rule has become the norm, even though for Albanians, the eagle symbol represents national identity rather than a tool for provocation.
"Meanwhile, Serbian nationalist behavior and displays directed against Albanians in Montenegro have transformed into a normality, failing to cause even the slightest concern for the Montenegrin state and judiciary."
Albanians are growing up surrounded by graffiti and chants reading "Death to Albanians" across Montenegrin cities and stadiums. Offensive graffiti and chauvinistic slogans, such as “Kosovo is Serbia” and “When the army returns to Kosovo,” continue to fuel and deepen ethnic intolerance, verging on open hostility. Hate speech is equally present on social media and in the media. This primitive mentality was also displayed during cinematic events, where a film by renowned Kosovo director Isa Qosja was abruptly cut short in the middle of Podgorica simply because of the language spoken in it.
On the flip side, the double standard of the Montenegrin police and prosecution is glaring. One year after the removal of the illegal monument dedicated to Chetnik commander Pavle Đurišić in Berane, authorities claim they "do not know" the whereabouts of the two-meter-tall, several-hundred-kilogram bronze monument—which is the subject of a criminal offense—even though unofficial data indicates it was sheltered within Serbian Orthodox Church premises.
The Silence of Political Parties and Those in Power
Throughout these developments, Albanian political parties in the ruling coalition have consistently remained silent, seemingly blinded by the lure of power:
- Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economic Development, Nik Gjeloshaj, boasts about closing integration chapters in EU accession negotiations, while Albanians as an autochthonous minority find themselves more endangered than they were at the dawn of pluralism in Montenegro.
- The Ministry for Human and Minority Rights, led by Minister Fatmir Gjeka, failed to take the biased actions of the Montenegrin judiciary and police seriously. Instead, through indiscriminate funding, his ministry damages the cultural, educational, and historical organization of Albanians in Montenegro.
The ongoing financing of the "Diaspora in the Homeland" event in Anë e Malit, organized by controversial figure Naser Nika, has deviated from its original purpose of encouraging homeland investments. Instead, it has morphed into a folkloric event mixed with tallava music, opening doors to corruptive practices.
For the first time, this event strangely gave space to the concept of the "Serbian World." According to various media outlets, the event was attended by Daka Davidović, a former trade minister and collaborator with the wartime Serb leadership in Bosnia. Davidović's ties to Radovan Karadžić are documented before the Hague Tribunal, as he worked to benefit the Bosnian Serb army responsible for the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Therefore, it is inexplicable how Albanian government representatives remain silent—particularly the Ministry for Human and Minority Rights, which failed to react to these issues. Nor has it responded to a petition by the Democratic League of Montenegro containing around 1,000 signatures, submitted to state leadership, demanding the removal of the sheet-metal Serbian church from the peak of Mount Rumija.
A reaction is all the more necessary given that Minister Fatmir Gjeka and former Prime Minister Dritan Abazović were the two main actors who signed the Fundamental Agreement between Montenegro and the Serbian Orthodox Church, which regulates mutual relations. The Albanian public deserves to know: Does this Agreement also incorporate the legal status of that tin church, which has turned into a bone of contention among the peoples of this region?
What is the best path for the Albanian political factor in Montenegro to follow in order to protect the rights and dignity of the autochthonous minority?